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THE EFFECTIVENESS OF A MOTHER'S PRAYER

In Luke 7, Jesus observed a  huge funeral procession in Nain. The entire town was present. He observed the young men and women weeping. He observed the pastors and apostles weeping. He observed the elders weeping. He observed the fathers weeping. He observed the children weeping. He observed the sadness on people's faces. Nothing seemed to move Him, until HE SAW THE MOTHER.

The bible says He had compassion when He saw her and immediately raised her boy from the dead. (Luke 7:12-15). It was the cry of a mother that moved the Heart of God. Still today, Mothers who cry before the Lord for their families, for their marriages, for their homes move the Heart of God.

When Mothers stop praying their families (especially their children) perish. Satan gets a foothold and starts to destroy the home, yet when they return to their rightful place as the anchor of the home, demonic strongholds get demolished. In Psalms 17, 36, 57, 63, and 91 God's role is likening to that of a Mother.

As a Mother protects, upholds and defends her children, so does God also protect us under the shadow of His Wings. We find refuge there and can hide there until the danger is over.

A mother's role is so vital that a father cannot get his prayers answered if he dishonours/ disrespects her (1 Peter 3:7). Because, of this favour over mothers, they are also the most attacked persons in the home.

The devil is terrified of Mothers (the powerhouse in the home). Yet the Lord has put inside Mothers grace and resilience to overcome any situation.

Today, As the woman of the home, consider yourself blessed. Consider yourself highly favoured and consider yourself dangerous when you pray.

I urge all mothers to pass this on to mothers you know! Be Blessed as you pass this message to mothers!

MUSEVENI WANTS TO REMOVE PARLIAMENT. IS THAT GOOD FOR BOBI WINE OR NOT?

Museveni reportedly made the threat while addressing ruling party members of parliament at State House on August 27. He reportedly advised them to tread carefully.

“Between 1971 and 1979 (Idi Amin dictatorship), there was no parliament, don’t think that you are in heaven, do what took you there. You should know where the power of that parliament comes from, in fact, I can do away with that parliament,” Mr. Museveni, a retired army general was quoted to have said.


“And we brought it [parliament] back, so do whatever you are doing knowing,” he continued.
In the aftermath of the Arua by-election violence both sides are inching closer to another fight. Ahead of an anticipated debate on the findings of a parliamentary probe into the Arua violence which led to the brutal arrest and torture of MPs and others, President Museveni, opposed to such a debate, has warned that he can do away with Parliament!

Museveni  according to legislators who attended the meeting, also took a swipe at Speaker of Parliament Rebecca Kadaga. The president reportedly faulted the speaker for instituting an advocate committee to probe the brutal arrest and torture of members of parliament yet there was an ongoing court process.

The president said the committee has not even bothered to interface with him yet it’s his convoy that was pelted with stones.

Parliament was meant to debate the report compiled by an adhoc committee set up by Speaker Rebecca Kadaga on August 16 before the matter ran into headwinds.

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THE ORIGIN OF UGANDA'S PROBLEMS HAVE ALWAYS BEEN CONNECTED TO BUGANDA.

Since the formation of Uganda over a century ago, Buganda has always remained an unsatisfied partner in the marriage. Despite beneficially being at the centre of the country geographically, socially, politically and economically, she still continues to want out. Uganda In History takes a deep look into the question: should Buganda be inside or outside of Uganda?




When the British colonised Uganda, they merged many different tribal groups and kingdoms into one giant called Uganda. The considerations of who, when and why these and those people/communities should be integrated into one country remained the sole prerogative of the coloniser. At one time during the formation period, some of regions/areas in today’s Uganda belonged elsewhere, e.g. West Nile was part of the Belgian Congo while the Turukana region of today’s Kenya belonged to Uganda. It is not strange that the coloniser’s headquarters were in Entebbe Buganda. This was because it was from Buganda Kingdom that the coloniser recruited, trained and launched attacks to colonise other areas outside of Buganda. For instance, Semei Kakungulu, perhaps the greatest Ugandan soldier of the time; fought and captured many territories on behalf of the coloniser. Well aware that Buganda Kingdom was an organised society, the coloniser tricked them into signing an agreement that empowered the coloniser but watered down the power of the Kabaka. And, as time passed by, Buganda Kingdom realised that they had signed a raw deal. From then on, they have been clamouring for the return of their stolen sovereignty. Much as it is evidenced that former powerful African kingdoms such as Ashanti in Ghana, Bunyoro in Uganda, etc, have relented and succumbed to central governments for the good of the country; mismanagement of such unions have caused dissatisfaction among many communities or regions involved. For instance, the Oromo people of Ethiopia and the English speaking region of Cameroun are clamouring for inclusion, Somalia has split into several clans’ states, and some people in Northern Uganda are calling for the formation of Nile Republic. Likewise, in Buganda, the quest to return to the good old days has pitted literally every Kabaka of Buganda against the central government right from the colonial time to date. For example, the coloniser fought, captured and deported Kabaka Mwanga to the Seychelles in 1899 for resisting their authority. Again, 50 years later in 1953, Kabaka Mutesa II was deported by the coloniser to Britain before being returned in 1955. A few years after independence, Mutesa II was forced to exile in 1966 after Prime Minister Milton Obote accused him of planning to topple the Ugandan government. In 1967, Obote abolished kingdoms and declared Uganda a republic. Kabaka Mutesa II would later die in exile in Britain in 1969 and two years later, his remains were returned and buried in Buganda in 1971. Even after the restoration of the cultural institutions in 1993 (far from full power the Buganda Kingdom had wanted), there have been several disagreements and flare-ups between the reigning Kabaka Mutebi of Buganda and President Museveni of Uganda; for example the 2009 Kayunga stand-off between Buganda Kingdom and the central government that nearly brought Museveni’s government to an abrupt end. Furthermore, the rocky relationship between Buganda Kingdom and the central governments has not only put the people of Buganda and Uganda at large on harm’s way, but also fermented tribal hatred in the country. For instance, in 1979 when President Lule was ousted by the Military Commission shortly after the fall of dictator Amin, Baganda rose up and took to Kampala streets chanting, “No Lule, no work!”. Consequently, Colonel Tito Okello the commander of the UNLA, according to an eye witness, ordered the deployment of crazy soldiers to quell the demonstration. The result was catastrophic! Many people lay dead on the streets. Wounded, angry and filled with years of animosity against President Obote for abolishing kingdoms in Uganda and also the domination of power by northerners, many Baganda allied with Museveni and joined his bush war rebellion against Obote II in the early 1980s. This situation would quickly degenerate into a five-year-full-blown war fought in Buganda leading to the loss of thousands of lives and displacement of hundreds of thousands mainly in Buganda. Whether it’s peace or war time, the Buganda question always remains constant. Throughout the on-going three decades of relative peace and security especially in Buganda during Museveni era, the cry for Buganda’s autonomy, sovereignty, federo, ebyaffe, you name it; has never gone to sleep. It is sad to note that the Buganda sovereignty call has recently stooped so low to embrace tribal sentiments, generalisations and stereotypes through blame game such as the Anyanya of northern Uganda have killed us, the long-nose Bahima and Banyarwanda will flee the day we capture power, etc. More still, during the on-going acts of terror in Uganda, and also as sympathy pours in from near and far against the barbaric treatment on Bobi Wine, a man many believe will sow in Uganda the badly needed seeds of unity, development and anti-corruption; it’s sad that many Baganda do not see this struggle as a front that needs togetherness. It was demoralising to see and hear many Baganda shouting tribal hate messages in the recent Free Bobi Wine demonstrations in Kampala. For example, many of them were heard shouting scorns and ridicules at other tribes telling them to leave the fight against Museveni to Baganda. Now, this is when you ask yourself whether Ugandans have learnt any lessons from the dangers of tribalism; and secondly whether it is not prudent to put the Buganda question aside as Ugandans struggle to free themselves from dictatorship?To read more breathtaking narrations about post independence history of Uganda, get yourself a copy of the book, “I SAW OYITE OJOK DIE”. Available for only 25,000/- in Aristoc Bookshop, Uganda Bookshop and Mukono Bookshop Pilkington Road Kampala